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2025-01-13 2025 European Cup kk near me News
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kk near me TEMPE, Ariz. — Fresh off of an upset victory over BYU that jumped the Sun Devils into first place in the Big 12 Conference standings, Arizona State is now the highest-ranked team in the conference after jumping up to No. 14 in the AP Top 25, which was released on Sunday. ASU made the largest jump of any school in Sunday's poll, moving up seven spots from No. 21. The next closest jumps were No. 12 Clemson and No. 17 Iowa State, who each moved up five spots from their rankings last week. This is the highest ASU has been ranked in a decade. ASU hit No. 12 in the final AP Top 25 poll in 2014. This week also saw several teams fall in the poll after a chaotic Saturday in college football. No. 25 Army and No. 23 Colorado both fell seven spots, No. 15 Ole Miss and No. 13 Alabama both fell six spots, and No. 20 Texas A&M, No. 19 BYU and No. 10 Indiana all fell five spots. Next up, the No. 14 Sun Devils will play archrival Arizona in the 98th edition of the Territorial Cup. The game will be played at 1:30 p.m. on Saturday, Nov. 30 at Arizona Stadium in Tucson. If ASU wins that game, they will clinch a spot in the Big 12 Championship Game, which will be played at 10 a.m. on Saturday, Dec. 7 at AT&T Stadium in Arlington, Texas. Full AP Top 25 Oregon (11-0) 1525 points (61 first-place votes) Ohio State (10-1) 1463 points Texas (10-1) 1395 points Penn State (10-1) 1301 points Notre Dame (10-10 1278 points Georgia (9-2) 1242 points Tennessee (9-2) 1110 points Miami (FL) (10-1) 1096 points SMU (10-1) 1001 points Indiana (10-1) 998 points Boise State (10-1) 984 points Clemson (9-2) 789 points Alabama (8-3) 739 points Arizona State (9-2) 727 points Ole Miss (8-3) 661 points South Carolina (8-3) 639 points Iowa State (9-2) 498 points Tulane (9-2) 446 points BYU (9-2) 445 points Texas A&M (8-3) 399 points UNLV (9-2) 231 points Illinois (8-3) 188 points Colorado (8-3) 161 points Missouri (8-3) 142 points Army (9-1) 133 points Others receiving votes: Kansas State (98), Memphis (46), Syracuse (37), Louisville (24), Washington State (10), Duke (6), Louisiana-Lafayette (5), Florida (4), LSU (2), Georgia Tech (2). Arizona sports The city of Phoenix is home to four major professional sports league teams; The NFL's Arizona Cardinals, NBA's Phoenix Suns, WNBA’s Phoenix Mercury and MLB's Arizona Diamondbacks. The Cardinals have made State Farm Stadium in Glendale their home turf and the Footprint Center in downtown Phoenix is home to both the Suns and the Mercury. The Indoor Football League’s Arizona Rattlers play at Desert Diamond Arena in Glendale. Phoenix also has a soccer team with the USL's Phoenix Rising FC, who play at Phoenix Rising FC Stadium in Phoenix. The Valley hosts multiple major sporting events every year, including college football's Fiesta Bowl and Guaranteed Rate Bowl; the PGA Tour’s highest-attended event, the WM Phoenix Open; NASCAR events each spring and fall, including Championship Weekend in November; and Cactus League Spring Training for 15 Major League Baseball franchises. 12Sports on YouTube Get the latest news and stories from 12Sports on the 12News YouTube channel. And don't forget to subscribe!Objective of UCC is to promote harmony, secularism: HC judgeDid stand-up comedians help reelect Donald Trump? Not a joke, as outgoing President Joe Biden might say. Trump has been the butt of countless late-night monologues and “Saturday Night Live” sketches for the better part of a decade, as much of Hollywood tracked the highs and lows of his political career with revulsion and ridicule. But in the weeks leading up to Election Day, he sat for interviews with podcasting comedians who occupy an increasingly popular space where political discourse is mediated through roast-style insults, right-leaning conspiracy theories and mockery of the left. “They’re all sort of simultaneously entertainers and influencers and pundits and — I’ve argued, propagandists — who have massive, loyal fanbases,” said Seth Simons, a journalist who writes a newsletter about the comedy industry’s darker side. The Trump era has coincided with the rise of the hourlong Netflix special and comedy podcast. And while the world of stand-up is as diverse as the nation itself, some of its hottest acts have punched left. Dave Chappelle has repeatedly courted controversy by mocking transgender activists. Bill Burr has roasted feminists with relish, most recently in his post-election “SNL” monologue (“All right, ladies, you’re 0-2 against this guy”). Even Michelle Wolf, who famously roasted Trump at the 2018 White House Correspondents Dinner, has an extended riff in her 2022 special critiquing #MeToo, calling it “the worst-run movement I’ve ever seen.” None of these comics publicly supported Trump, but nonetheless trained their fire on the so-called woke left, a bogeyman of Trump’s campaign. Trump got a warm welcome — but not everyone was amused That’s what seems to have brought Trump, a veteran TV entertainer himself, into the studios of Joe Rogan, the nation’s most listened-to podcaster, and other comedians. He discussed addiction and the opioid crisis with Theo Von, who told the past and future president that “cocaine will turn you into a damn owl, homie.” On another podcast, Andrew Schulz and Akaash Singh laughed out loud as Trump went through his nicknames for political rivals — like “Comrade Kamala” Harris — and recounted his near-assassination. Politicians have long sought to reach voters on alternative platforms. Former President Barack Obama slow jammed the news with Jimmy Fallon, who ruffled Trump’s hair in 2016. Both Obama and Hillary Clinton appeared on Zach Galifianakis’ web series “Between Two Ferns.” Harris appeared on “SNL” days before the election and sat with an array of more earnest podcasters, with less evident success. For Trump, the podcasts were part of a larger effort to reach young male voters — a tactic he says his son Barron, 18, suggested. More than half of male voters ages 18-44 supported Trump, and 45% supported Harris, although Biden won this group in 2020, according to AP VoteCast, a survey of more than 120,000 voters. While politicians’ late-night appearances tend to be carefully scripted affairs, Rogan interviewed Trump for a whopping three hours in a conversation that veered from false claims about the 2020 election to speculation about UFOs and John F. Kennedy’s assassination. Rogan, who supported Bernie Sanders in 2020, subsequently endorsed Trump this cycle. Trump’s interviewers aren’t political comedians; they’re just as likely to chat about internet curiosities, mixed martial arts or weightlifting. Their views seem primarily rooted in suspicion of the establishment, devotion to free speech and openness to alternative — and often unfounded — theories about things like vaccines and immigration. That may have led them to see Trump as a kindred spirit. “The rebels are Republicans now. You want to be a rebel, you want to be punk rock, you want to like buck the system, you’re a conservative now,” Rogan said during the interview, which has nearly 50 million views on YouTube. Simons says Rogan and his acolytes, consciously or not, have shifted what’s acceptable in comedy rightward. “The relationship that people have with these roast comics, these comics who tell racist jokes or sexist jokes, is that they don’t mean what they say, it’s just funny,” Simons said. Marc Maron, whose podcast “WTF” helped birth the genre, called out his fellow comics in a blog post after the Rogan interview. “The anti-woke flank of the new fascism is being driven almost exclusively by comics, my peers,” Maron wrote. “When comedians with podcasts have shameless, self-proclaimed white supremacists and fascists on their show to joke around like they are just entertainers or even just politicians, all it does is humanize and normalize fascism.” A fractured media landscape It wasn’t always like this. Johnny Carson, the king of late night for three decades until his 1992 retirement, steered clear of political controversies to cultivate a mass audience. This was also when most Americans got their news from the “Big Three” television networks. Fast forward to today: Left-leaning hosts of comedy shows across many channels deliver nightly polemics interspersed with news clips. To their critics, comedians like Jon Stewart, Stephen Colbert and John Oliver are indistinguishable from MSNBC commentators. Comedian Wayne Federman, the author of a history of stand-up, says these hosts can only draw a fraction of Carson’s viewers, removing the economic incentive to appeal widely. “As most late-night hosts seemed openly aligned with (the Democratic National Committee), a market niche opened in the podcast space. Enter Joe Rogan,” he said. Rogan’s show, for which he landed an estimated $250 million deal with Spotify, has become a springboard for up-and-coming comics. “For a lot of comedians right now, following in Joe Rogan’s footsteps and trying to be in his world and emulate him is a smart career move,” Simons said. “I think that’s partly why there are so many Andrew Schulzes and Theo Vons.” Presidential candidate or insult comic? Beyond his podcast appearances, Trump may have benefited more subtly from stand-up’s proliferation. Much was made of Trump’s extemporaneous speaking style — what he referred to as “the weave” — in which his hourlong speeches meandered through stories, digressions, movie references and obscenities. As political speech, it was unconventional, but it bore many of stand-up’s hallmarks: deliberate provocations, trademark punchlines and callbacks eventually wrapping it all together. “Because some of the things he says seem like they’re so off-center, people take it as a joke,” said Shilpa Davé, a University of Virginia professor of media studies. “The kind of comedy that he’s doing doesn’t come off as threatening, it comes off as acceptable.” It also posed problems for journalists covering his speeches: When he said he would be a dictator for a day, or inveighed against “enemies from within,” or promised to round up and deport millions of immigrants in the U.S. without authorization, was he laying out policies or joking around? “You can first denounce what journalists do by having called everything they say ‘fake news,’ and then you can denounce what they expose by saying they just don’t get it — the stand-up comedy defense,” said Robert Thompson, a professor of television and popular culture at Syracuse University. There were times when the jokes didn’t land — but they weren’t his. Trump faced outrage after Tony Hinchcliffe, another comedian with a roast-style podcast, referred to Puerto Rico as a “floating island of garbage” and made other racist jokes at a rally. The campaign distanced itself from Hinchcliffe as Puerto Rican celebrities backed Harris and commentators wondered if it would turn off Latino voters. “Imagine bombing so hard you save america from fascism,” comedian Zack Bornstein posted on X. But barely a week later, it was Trump who brought the house down. Image credits: Stavros Damos via Dreamstime.com



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Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s job is supposed to be keeping New Yorkers safe. Unfortunately, he’d rather take it easy on criminals and illegal migrants and save his harshest prosecutions for Good Samaritans and politicians with whom he disagrees. He’s refused to prosecute fare-beating, resisting arrest, and more in his tenure and opted to avoid pre-trial detention at almost every juncture. As a result, repeat offenders have been let loose to re-offend again and again, leading to the highest rates of felony crimes in New York City in decades. While the bad guys get a pass, Bragg went after people like Jose Alba, who defended himself after coming under attack in a bodega where he worked; Daniel Penny, a Marine veteran, just proven innocent, who intervened when a deranged, career criminal posed a violent threat to his fellow straphangers; and, of course, President Donald J. Trump, who Bragg pursued relentlessly for years with inflated charges that federal prosecutors in President Biden’s own Department of Justice, his predecessor Cy Vance, and leading legal scholars found flimsy at best. What did Bragg achieve? Stoking racial and political tensions in New York City. What did he not achieve? Making us all safer. Gov. Hochul has been in charge of New York State for the entire duration of Alvin Bragg’s tenure, watching mainly in silence as he has made a joke of our justice system and undercut the public’s trust in his office and the rule of law. As governor, she has the sole authority to remove Alvin Bragg from office. On the heels of Donald Trump’s show trial and Daniel Penny’s acquittal — not to mention the legitimate fear New Yorkers and tourists have when they walk the streets or ride the subways in the greatest city in the world — it has become clear beyond a shadow of a doubt that Alvin Bragg can no longer serve as District Attorney. Gov. Hochul should remove him from office immediately — Alvin Bragg is a failure and has abused his office. Anything less than firing him shows how unserious Gov. Hochul is about tackling crime in New York City and upholding the public’s trust in our justice system. Rep. Mike Lawler (R) represents New York’s 17th District.

By WYATTE GRANTHAM-PHILIPS NEW YORK (AP) — A ransomware attack that hit a major software provider last week caused disruptions for a handful of companies over recent days, from Starbucks to U.K. grocery giant Morrisons. Blue Yonder, which provides supply chain technology to a range of brands worldwide, said that it experienced disruptions to services it manages for customers on Thursday, which the third-party software supplier determined to be “the result of a ransomware incident.” Some systems went offline, impacting clients using Blue Yonder’s software. A spokesperson for Starbucks, for example, said that the chain’s ability to manage barista schedules and track hours was disrupted — meaning store leaders across North America are currently being instructed to use manual workarounds. Starbucks maintained that the outage is not impacting how customers are served and that ensuring workers get paid for all hours worked is a top priority. While the company continues to work towards full recovery, the spokesperson added that Starbucks was able to process payroll again as of Tuesday morning. Two of the U.K.’s biggest grocers, Morrisons and Sainsbury’s, were also affected — with both telling CNN over the weekend that they had turned to contingency plans to keep operations flowing. A spokesperson for Morrisons confirmed to The Associated Press that the outage “impacted our warehouse management systems for fresh and produce” and that it was continuing to operate on back up systems Tuesday. Sainsbury’s, meanwhile, said Tuesday that its service was restored. Blue Yonder declined to disclose how many of its customers were impacted by the hack. In a statement sent to the AP, a spokesperson maintained that it had notified “relevant customers” and would continue to communicate as needed. The spokesperson also maintained that recovery efforts were still underway — noting that Blue Yonder “has been working diligently together with external cybersecurity firms to make progress,” including the implementation of several defensive and forensic protocols. Blue Yonder’s website touts an extensive global roster of customers — including Gap, Ford and Walgreens. Walgreens and Gap were not impacted following the ransomware attack, spokespeople for the companies said. Ford shared that it was investigating whether the incident affected its operations earlier this week, but had no further updates when reached Tuesday. Blue Yonder, based in Arizona, is a subsidiary of Japan’s Panasonic Corp. Panasonic acquired the supply chain software firm in September 2021.Opinion: Why taxpayers deserve a public inquiry into Elections BC

Last week I was part of a group of economists who wrote an raising concerns about the fiscal stance of the coalition Government and its impact on the current low level of and future prospects for economic activity. It got some media attention but had no more immediate impact on the coalition than the most cynical of us expected. What was more surprising to me was that Opposition parties were slow to pick up on the initiative, preferring it seemed to focus on their quotidian personality and point scoring, ignoring key economic policy matters. I think that unwillingness to join the cause is partly because in their previous roles they had promoted, endorsed or accepted a local political orthodoxy about fiscal policy not far from the current stance. It is not an orthodoxy that has much intrinsic merit or much support from other economies or agencies. It was labelled “responsible” but in practice, and in the light of current conditions, it has turned out not to be.

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